Pantami’s return, Goje’s revolt and battle for succession in Gombe
Gombe State approaches the 2027 general election amid competing ambitions, shifting loyalties and a complicated struggle for succession. Beneath the three-party contest lies a deeper calculation: who controls the structures of mobilisation, and which combination of interests can produce a winning coalition across the state’s diverse constituencies? The roles of the key actors suggest the election will test the durability of godfatherism, the limits of party authority and the capacity of established actors to turn personal influence into electoral support.
The most consequential development is Pantami’s victory in the PDP’s fresh governorship primary on Tuesday, September 29. Having initially emerged through a disputed process subsequently nullified by the Federal High Court, Pantami returned to the contest and defeated Khamisu Mailantarki and Usman Aliyu Garry, polling 2,054 votes against 389 and 112, respectively. The rerun followed a September 24 judgment ordering a fresh primary after irregularities in the earlier process.
His national profile as a former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Islamic scholar and public intellectual, provides considerable visibility, but visibility and electoral strength are different resources. His immediate challenge is to convert primary support into a broader coalition, beginning with the relationships exposed by the legal dispute between him, Mailantarki and Garry that led to the litigation. Whether the PDP reconciles these interests will determine whether his victory becomes a foundation for party unity or another episode in its internal disagreements.
Meanwhile, the APC enters with Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna, whose emergence followed Governor Inuwa Yahaya’s consultations with party stakeholders. Gwamna represents an attempt to sustain the outgoing governor’s political legacy. However, Gwamna must mobilise support independently while maintaining the relationships that made his emergence possible.
In Gombe Central, Goje’s exclusion from the APC senatorial ticket has exposed tensions within the party. After four consecutive terms representing the zone, the former governor lost the ticket to retired Deputy Commissioner of Police Mohammed Ahmed Deba. This dispute reflects competing interests, including the argument for rotation between Akko and Yamaltu/Deba.
Goje’s public declaration has sharpened the disagreement. While reaffirming his APC membership, he reportedly urged supporters not to vote for candidates he associated with the denial of his ticket, including the party’s candidates for Gombe Central, Akko and Yamaltu/Deba federal constituencies. He described his treatment as a betrayal and called those responsible “mugaye” (wicked).
Goje is not necessarily abandoning the APC; he is challenging the assumption that his supporters must automatically accept every candidate the party produces. The people Goje called “mugaye” may include Governor Inuwa Yahaya and Usman Bello Kumo (World), the APC candidate for Akko Federal Constituency and a figure associated with Goje’s political network. Their disagreement illustrates the changing nature of political mentorship, described as godfatherism but really about the redistribution of authority between established figures and emerging politicians.
The consequences may extend beyond the senatorial contest: if Goje’s supporters withhold support from APC candidates, the party could face difficulties where his networks remain influential. Yet that influence cannot be assumed; it depends on whether personal loyalty translates into actual voting behaviour.
In Gombe North, the anticipated confrontation between Dankwambo and Inuwa adds another dimension. Their rivalry dates to the 2015 governorship election; now their ambitions converge on the senatorial seat—Inuwa on the APC ticket, Dankwambo seeking re-election under the PDP. Inuwa, ending his second term, seeks to maintain his political presence through the Senate; Dankwambo must defend his seat against a challenger with access to the governing party’s structure.
The ADC’s governorship candidate, Alhaji Bala Bello Tinka, offers a third-party option that could attract dissatisfied members and voters seeking an alternative to the two dominant parties, especially the APC. Though his influence depends on building a credible structure beyond his immediate supporters Alhaji Saidu Alkali, who contested against Gwamna before withdrawing, reaffirmed his party loyalty, but the distinction between formal membership and active campaign commitment will matter considerably. Whether his supporters align with Gwamna or explore alternative arrangements could influence the APC’s position in the zone.
Gombe South, a zone comprising Balanga, Billiri, Kaltungo and Shongom, may emerge as an important balancing ground. Its significance lies not simply in the votes it contributes but in the relationships required for a statewide coalition. The APC has Jerry Damara as its senatorial candidate and the PDP Anthony Siyako Yaro; how the three campaigns approach geographical representation, local alliances and development expectations will matter greatly. The choice of running mates will attract attention, as the zone’s distinct political interests and development concerns require more than symbolic representation.
No single district can determine the governorship election; the outcome will depend on how support is distributed statewide and how well candidates consolidate their constituencies. Gombe South could nevertheless prove decisive if the contest is close.
These developments also unfold within a competitive communication environment. As we see on social media, disagreements over tickets become narratives of betrayal, court judgments become stories of legitimacy, and defections are read as courage or opportunism. Political influence is exercised not only through party structures but through shaping how voters understand political developments. The real test will be whether these narratives translate into credible responses to the challenges confronting the people of Gombe.
The significance of the election campaign lies in the changing relationship between political influence and political authority. Goje’s experience demonstrates how a long-standing political structure can encounter resistance from within its own party. The Dankwambo-Inuwa contest illustrates how political rivalry can survive changes in office. Pantami’s emergence shows how a political setback, including judicial intervention, can create another opportunity for consolidation. Gombe South, meanwhile, reminds both parties that statewide electoral success requires a coalition extending beyond their immediate stronghold.
Dr Danladi ia Editor-at-Large, Media Trust
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